Rwanda: 25 years on, U.S. taxpayers paying millions for Homeland Security’s sham ‘Genocide Fugitive’ trials in Boston


Jean Leonard Teganya
on trial on 50th anniversary of Rwandan Genocide, April 6, 1994 – April 6, 2019

by Keith Harmon Snow

This is the wreckage of the presidential Mystere Falcon airplane, shot down on approach to Kigali airport on April 6, 1994, after air-to-surface missiles caused it to crash into the presidential compound. – Photo: Cranimer, New Vision newspaper, Kampala, Uganda

On April 6, 1994, the Hutu presidents of Rwanda and Burundi,
their top military staff and six French crew members were assassinated when
surface-to-air missiles shot down the Rwandan presidential jet on approach to
Kigali airport. It is now well established that the assassination plot that
decapitated the Hutu-led governments was executed by Rwanda’s now president and
strongman-for-life, then Major Gen. Paul Kagame, commander of the terrorist
Tutsi-Hima army that invaded Rwanda from Uganda.

Now, 25 years later, while Kagame and the Rwanda genocide
industry commemorate the 25th anniversary of the so-called 100 days of
genocide, U.S. taxpayers continue to pay millions of dollars for yet another
bogus asylum show trial targeting another genocide survivor and fugitive from
the terrorist Kagame regime. Meanwhile, reporting on the trial in federal court
in Boston, Massachusetts, the Boston newspapers have not challenged the vested interests
of their quoted sources or the machinations of the Department of Homeland
Security and its Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Jean Leonard Teganya, 46, is a wanted man who has spent much
of his adult life trying to start over and recover from the atrocities he
survived in Rwanda.

Teganya was a medical student who volunteered at the
hospital in Butare, Rwanda, in the spring of 1994, treating the sick and
wounded when no doctors or nurses were available due to the large numbers of

Mr. Teganya was also a victim of the violence in 1994,
rescued by fellow students after being attacked by an armed militia in Butare.
He fled Butare around June 20, 1994, after killings intensified in the region
in parallel with the arrival of the Rwandan Patriotic Army.

In June of 1994 Mr. Teganya fled Rwanda during the mass
exodus of some 2 million Rwandans to neighboring countries. Mr. Teganya ended
up in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) at Nyakavogo, a mostly Hutu
refugee camp that in September of 1996 was attacked by Paul Kagame and the
Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) in violation of international humanitarian law.

Jean Leonard Teganya

A trial in a federal court in Boston commenced against Jean
Leonard Teganya on March 11, 2019. Photographs of the scars of his wounds were
shown to the Boston jury by the attorneys from the public defender’s office who
are representing him.

Witnesses for the prosecution, flown in from Rwanda for the
trial in Boston, swore under oath that Mr. Teganya wore the hats, shirts and
scarves of the “extremist Hutu” parties. Prosecution witnesses described in
great detail the insignia that was on Mr. Teganya’s hat: a machete and tool. He
helped commit genocide, the U.S. prosecutors and immigration agents in Boston
said, then tried to claim asylum.

“‘The defendant had a problem,’ Assistant U.S. Attorney
Scott L. Garland told a jury in U.S. District Court in Boston during opening
arguments in the trial against Teganya,” reported the Boston
. “His problem was that his application for asylum would be denied if
the U.S. found out what he had done in Rwanda, because persecutors cannot claim

More than two weeks of hearings later, witnesses for the
defense described Mr. Teganya as an amicable, quiet man devoted to helping
other people. They described an intelligent, sensitive and caring fellow
student who did not participate in party politics. More than 15 witness stated
under oath that Jean Leonard Teganya never wore the signature clothing of the
more radical Hutu political parties.

Where and how were the Rwandan prosecution witnesses to Mr.
Teganya’s alleged crimes identified and who identified them? These are some of
the pivotal questions that an ICE agent on the witness stand at Mr. Teganya’s
trial was unable or unwilling to answer with conviction.

Did the ICE agent commit perjury?

Hutu death agents
have become its victims

As the cataclysm unfolded in Rwanda in 1994, the Western
media reported from behind the RPA lines. The RPA narrative became the
mainstream establishment narrative – and remains the predominant one: Tutsis as
victims, Hutus as killers.

When the United Nations High Commission for Refugees special
rapporteur Robert Gersony reported on the RPA’s widespread killing of scores of
thousands of Hutu inside Rwanda, the report was squashed: All Hutus were
killers, all Tutsis were victims. Gersony went silent and stayed silent.

As a survivor of the mass atrocities and genocide that
occurred in his home country of Rwanda during the civil war, Jean Leonard
Teganya was one of millions of innocent non-combatant Rwandans uprooted and
driven from his homeland.

Forced to flee at the age of 21, from one country to
another, he was for all practical purposes a fugitive from injustice (at the
hands of the RPA), forced to survive or perish under the constant nagging
memory of the horrors that he witnessed and the threat of arrest and
persecution by the current regime in Rwanda.

His real crimes? He is a Hutu. He is an intellectual. He is
a survivor. He had a U.S. government issued work permit and, for over two years,
he was working at a prestigious university.

Mr. Teganya persevered in finding a new home, building a new
life, raising a family.

And the worst crime of all? Jean Leonard Teganya was on the
path of gaining asylum in the United States of America.

When President Paul Kagame and his Directorate of Military
Intelligence in Rwanda learned that Mr. Teganya was legally employed as a
laboratory technician at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and that Mr. Teganya was about to gain legal U.S. residency
status through the formal immigration process, they set about manufacturing a
case against him.

The RPA slaughtered hundreds of thousands of unarmed non-combatant
Rwandans – mostly Hutu women, children and elders – and also uncountable
Congolese citizens during the Rwandan and Ugandan invasion of Zaire in 1996 and

This New York Times article, published April 13, 1997, basically gave the green light for the continued massacres of innocent non-combatant refugees in Zaire – mostly women, children and the elderly.

At the height of the slaughter in Zaire, the New York Times and
other major international media published story after hand-wringing story that
basically manufactured consent for the ongoing genocide against the unarmed
innocent Hutus in Zaire.

On Oct. 1, 2010, the 20th anniversary of the RPA invasion of
Rwanda (Oct. 1, 1990), the United Nations published an extensive Mapping Report
of atrocities in the DR Congo. The Mapping Report established clear patterns
and documented atrocities declared to include war crimes, crimes against
humanity and genocide committed by the RPA and its allies.

Zaire (the Congo) was not the first place that Hutu refugees
experienced massacres, torture and unimaginable brutality at the hands of the
RPA. The Hutu people also experienced atrocities of this unimaginable and
unprecedented inhuman scale, magnitude and character during the four years of
terrorism and war prosecuted by the RPA in Rwanda.

Jean Leonard Teganya’s flight from Rwanda in 1994 led him
from Zaire to India to Canada.

According to the ICE
press release of Aug. 4. 2017
, Jean Leonard Teganya was arrested in
Massachusetts on that date but the press release does not disclose the full
circumstances or context of Mr. Teganya’s status in the United States or his
employment at MIT:

“Jean Leonard Teganya, 46, was charged with one count of
immigration fraud and one count of perjury. Teganya made his first appearance
in federal court in Boston on Friday afternoon.

“As alleged in court documents, approximately 800,000 people
were murdered during the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Prior to and during the
Rwandan genocide, Teganya was a medical student and medical trainee at the
Butare hospital in Butare, Rwanda. Several witnesses present in Butare during
the genocide described Teganya as active in the political party of the
genocidal regime, the MRND, and its militia, and stated that he actively
participated in the persecution of Tutsis, the group that was largely targeted
during the genocide.

“According to court documents, Teganya left Rwanda in
mid-July 1994, and traveled to Congo, India and then Canada. In 1999, Teganya
applied for immigration benefits in Canada.

“Canadian authorities twice determined that Teganya was not
entitled to those benefits, and ordered his deportation because he had been
complicit in atrocities committed at the Butare hospital during the genocide.
After 15 years of litigation, Teganya evaded the order of deportation and fled
across the border into the United States.

“On Aug. 3, 2014, Teganya was encountered walking on foot
after he crossed from Canada into Houlton, Maine. Teganya was taken into
custody and later made false statements on documents submitted to U.S. authorities
by failing to disclose the extent of his affiliations and activities with the
MRND and Hutu extremists.”

If you were to read only what was written about Jean Leonard
Teganya by the Boston Globe and the Boston Herald in the years, months and
weeks that preceded the trial, or the stories that appeared after the trial
began on March 11, 2019, and before closing arguments were heard on April 3, 2019,
you would be convinced that Jean Leonard Teganya is a monster of a human being
capable of the most sadistic violence.

trial portrayed a monster. Defense aims to change the narrative
,” reads
Maria Cramer’s Boston Globe article of April 2, 2019.

No matter the stories’ leads, most of these articles quickly
spin off into the never-never land of established lies, false accusations and manufactured
evidence that are peculiar to Rwanda genocide asylum trials held in the United
States and Canada over the past 20 years.

Like the select group of Kagame agents and regime insiders who
peddle them, these falsehoods, tactics and methodologies of oppression have
become the staple mechanisms and tools of strong-arm long-arm authoritarianism
used to reach
outside Rwanda
and silence, terrorize and extradite – from the U.S.,
Canada, U.K., Netherlands etc. – any Rwandan who in any way challenges the
Rwandan regime.

When all else fails, there is always the RPA
assassination program

In March 2019, Paul Kagame publicly and unapologetically
bragged about the necessity and righteousness of the assassination of former
RPA-RPF cadre member Seth Sendashonga – assassinated by RPA agents in Nairobi,
Kenya, in the late 1990s.

The Rwanda Genocide industry

On the U.S. side, working for the dictatorship in Rwanda,
and keeping tabs on Mr. Teganya from the moment he entered the U.S. in his
quest for asylum, crossing the U.S.-Canadian border in Maine in August 2014,
was Brian Andersen, a special agent with U.S. Department of Homeland Security
(DHS), Customs and Immigration Enforcement (ICE), Human Rights Violators and
War Crimes Unit.

Brian Andersen testified at Jean Leonard Teganya’s trial in
late March 2019, and he is cited by the Boston Globe without any due
journalistic diligence or even a modicum of investigative reporting to vet or
uncover the truth about Andersen’s history and practices used to hunt down
supposed genocidaire fugitives.

“Brian Andersen, a special agent for the Department of Homeland Security, which investigated the case, testified that his team found the witnesses in Rwanda and established contact with them,” wrote Maria Cramer for The Boston Globe on April 1, 2019.

No April fool’s joke, what the Globe did not report is how
special agent Mr. Andersen has worked with the Kagame regime to hunt, frame and
persecute many Rwandan Hutus, survivors of the cataclysm of 1994.

Special agent Andersen has been involved in at least four
previous high profile but bogus Rwanda genocide asylum cases, two of these in
Boston, one in Manchester, New Hampshire, and one in Utah.

Expert witnesses for the prosecution in several of these
cases have included Dr. Phil Clark, a British academic at London’s School for
Oriental and African Studies (SOAS), Zachary Kaufman, an academic at the
Kennedy School of Government, and Rony Zachariah, a doctor with Médecins Sans
Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) who was present in Rwanda for a short spell
before being evacuated during the atrocities of April 1994.

Each of these three experts has made a career out of
whitewashing the crimes of the Kagame regime through publishing, public
speaking and/or testifying at one-sided Rwanda genocide tribunals or asylum

Dr. Phil Clark has been discredited by his own peers in the
international academic community. Clark has for many years maintained friendly
relations with Kagame and peddled the RPA narrative in complete disregard of
evidence of the RPA’s crimes to the contrary; Clark’s tight relations with
Kigali suggest some significant financial or material reward for helping to
spread the propaganda of the regime.

In the October 2017 immigration trial of Prudence Kantengwa adjudicated by federal immigration Judge Sanchez, federal prosecutor Mary Kelley succeeded in getting Dr. Phil Clark qualified as an expert: The immigration judge dismissed Clark’s direct ties to the Kagame regime. Dr. Clark testified by videoconferencing from London; he was allowed to refer to his notes, even search the Internet – while under oath and on the virtual witness stand – to buttress his testimony.

Witnesses for the defense were required to appear in Boston
in person, and Judge Sanchez disallowed Rwanda scholar Dr. Susan Thomson as an
expert witness for the defense, claiming that Dr. Thomson’s testimony would be
duplicative of issues addressed by Dr. Phil Clark. In fact, based on her
multiple highly critical reviews of the genocide text edited by Dr. Phil Clark
and Dr. Zachary Kaufman (see below), Dr. Susan Thomson would likely have
offered testimony in strong contradiction to the prosecution’s expert witness
Dr. Phil Clark.

Defense witnesses who did appear at the Kantengwa hearings
were not allowed to surf the Internet, refer to documents or books, or even
access their personal notes while giving testimony.

Federal prosecutor Mary Kelly harassed the two leading
defense witnesses, Keith Harmon Snow and Claude Gatebuke, that Immigration
Judge Sanchez did qualify as experts. Ms. Kelley attempted to intimidate,
stifle or completely silence the witnesses.

In the Kantengwa case, Immigration Judge Sanchez found in
favor of Rwanda and its collaborator, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security,
and thereby set the stage for the extradition and deportation to Rwanda of
Prudence Kantengwa.

In the appeal brief filed by Kantengwa’s defense attorneys
(William Joyce, Brief in Support of an Appeal of an Immigration Judge’s
Decision, filed in Falls Church Virginia, A 098 277 297), the appeal attorney
explicitly flagged the unprofessional and immature behavior of federal
prosecutor Mary Kelley, both in the context of her hysterical outbursts and
harassment of the two qualified defense experts and in the context of Prudence
Kantengwa’s initial immigration trial adjudicated by U.S. Federal Judge Klein.

“Judge Klein, who initially heard Ms. Kantengwa’s case,
noted for the record in her written opinion the DHS trial attorney’s [Mary
Kelley’s] lack of respect for the court and unnecessarily combative questioning
of Ms. Kantengwa and her witnesses. Tr. #1 at 1242 (‘I want whoever reviews
this case to listen to the tone of this trial attorney [Mary Kelley] throughout
this case.’); id. at 1250 (Judge Klein to attorney Kelley: ‘… it gets to the
lack of respect that you have for this Court …’); IJ Klein Dec. at 48 (‘On
various occasions during cross-examination, DHS counsel’s tone toward the
respondent was accusatory and aggressive.’).”

“This aggressive questioning continued in Ms. Kantengwa’s hearings before Judge Sanchez, in part leading to the reticence of witnesses to respond to questioning … (DHS accusing Ms. Kantengwa of violating an ICTR sequestration order) … (DHS likening Ms. Kantengwa to a Holocaust denier) … (DHS accusing Mr. Gatebuke of misrepresenting his identity) … (DHS accusing Mr. Gatebuke of having a bank account in the Caymans) … (DHS comparing Mr. Snow to Adolph Hitler) … (bond counsel for Ms. Kantengwa to DHS: “I don’t know why you’re harassing [the respondent].”) The end result of this very aggressive and possibly inappropriate line of questioning plus the investigator [ICE special agent Brian Andersen] running in and out of the court room led to an atmosphere of intimidation both to the experts and to the respondent.”

Though a seasoned judge from another court arena, Judge
Sanchez was newly appointed to the Immigration Courts and the trial of the United
States v. Prudence Kantengwa was one of the first immigration cases he heard.

Ms. Kantengwa’s appeals attorney also noted the conflict
that arose in the court when a defense witness refused to reveal his sources.
Defense expert [Keith Harmon Snow] testified that he had interviewed a Rwandan
genocide survivor who had witnessed crimes against humanity and who was himself
the survivor of severe and inhuman forms of torture committed by the Rwandan
Patriotic Army.

Judge Sanchez asked the expert [Snow] to reveal the name of
witness/victim and when the expert repeatedly refused to name the source or
provide to the Court any video or audio recordings of said victim’s statement,
Judge Sanchez ruled that the expert’s [Snow’s] opinions on torture in Rwanda be
stricken from the record.

In his decision, Judge Sanchez afforded less weight to the
expert’s [Snow’s] testimony on the grounds that he was “non-responsive to DHS
questioning” and he refused to provide the names of sources to the Court upon

During the trial, attorney William Joyce, the defense
counsel for Prudence Kantengwa, strenuously objected to the requirement that
experts require names of sources, particularly given the presence in the
courtroom of the ICE agent – Brian Andersen – who conducted an investigation in
Rwanda of Ms. Kantengwa and her sister Beatrice Munyenyezi.

The appeals attorney also noted in the Kantengwa appeal: “In
fact, there is a serious question as to whether the ICE agent [Brian Andersen]
sitting at the [prosecution] table who was also running in and out of the
courtroom and providing information to government counsel was attempting to
intimidate Mr. Snow. In fact, the respondent’s counsel requested an off the
record discussion to discuss what could be considered possible intimidation
towards Mr. Snow.”

The tactic used by Mary Kelley and Brian Andersen of
targeting innocent Rwandans who showed up at hearings in support of other
defendants or respondents, or who have been named or identified in immigration
hearings, is not without precedent, as noted above.

Dr. Zachary Kaufman, who is Dr. Phil Clark’s academic and
editorial colleague, has also maintained a tight relationship with the Kagame
regime, effectively serving as one of Kagame’s hired guns. Dr. Clark’s
relationship involves material and financial rewards in exchange for whitewashing
the regime and gaining access to the country and the largess – and privileges –
secured by the criminal RPA cadres and their illegal networks in Rwanda and

Paul Kagame has numerous times been invited (and appeared)
as speaker at the Harvard University Kennedy School of Government where Kaufman
and genocide expert and stateswoman Samantha Power both have deep historical
and current ties. Like Clark and Kaufman’s publications, Samantha Power’s
publications on “genocide in Rwanda” are laden with inaccuracies, omissions,
distortions and selective truths.

Clark and Kaufman published an edited volume titled “After
Genocide” (2009) that was criticized by Dr. Susan Thomson, a Rwanda scholar
whose professional work and vocal criticisms of the regime led to her being
declared persona non grata in Rwanda. Thomson and other scholars also signed a
public letter criticizing Dr. Phil Clark’s work and his ties to the Rwandan
government. Thomson’s dislike of the Clark-Kaufman book was so strong as to
provoke her to write not one but two book reviews that were subsequently
published in academic journals.

The preface of “After Genocide” was written by Paul Kagame
and, besides a few chapter contributions by Clark and Kaufman (and a collection
of more honest and professional academic chapters), there is also a chapter by
another of Paul Kagame’s leading hired guns, the English-speaking propagandist
Tom Ndahiro.

Recall that the Tutsi aristocrats and their Ugandan brethren
who invaded Rwanda were English speakers, while the Tutsi who suffered the
genocidal onslaught in 1994 were French speakers. Kagame and company did not
trust or care about French speaking Tutsis who “stayed behind” in Rwanda in the
1960s and 1970s when the Tutsi aristocrats fled, and when so many innocent
Tutsis targeted in retaliation for Tutsi guerrilla (Inyenzi) attacks against
Rwanda also fled to neighboring countries.

Zachary Kaufman was quoted in one
of the main Boston Globe articles
about Jean Leonard Teganya. Reporter
Maria Cramer brought Kaufman into the story to provide an official
authoritative and definitive quote to repudiate the defense attorney’s
demonstration that Rwandan witnesses for the prosecution are coached, and the
defense team’s demonstration of witnesses’ inconsistencies.

In the same story, The Globe briefly discussed the two other
recent cases that involved Brian Andersen, Munyenyezi and Kantengwa, but
special agent Andersen is not mentioned in connection to those two cases.
Instead, we read Harvard University expert Zachary Kaufman declaring the final
judgment on the matter:

“Teganya is the third Rwandan since 2012 to face prosecution
in New England for allegedly hiding links to the genocide to obtain asylum …

“In 2012, Prudence Kantengwa, a Hutu, was sentenced to 21
months for lying on her asylum application about her affiliation with the party
that orchestrated the genocide, the National Republican Movement for Democracy
and Development.

“Three years later, Kantengwa’s sister, Beatrice Munyenyezi,
a Hutu mother of three who had moved to New Hampshire, was sentenced to10 years
for lying about the killings and rapes she ordered as head of a roadblock in
Butare, where Tutsis were stopped, checked for identification, and often
murdered on the spot.

“Like Teganya, Munyenyezi argued that the witnesses against
her were motivated by the possibility of financial compensation or by fear of
the Rwandan government.

“But other scholars of the genocide said they are skeptical
that the government has interfered with witnesses’ testimony.

“‘I have never seen any evidence of such,’ said Zachary
Kaufman, a senior fellow at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of
Government and a lecturer at Stanford Law School. ‘It is not unexpected that an
accused genocide perpetrator would try to muster any defense they could.’”

At least one of the Rwandan witnesses for the prosecution in
the Teganya trial has appeared in court for more than one of the cases “investigated”
by ICE special agent Brian Andersen. Witness statements show remarkable
similarity in the kinds of details they provide and, under cross-examination,
in the omissions or contradictions of their testimonies.

The reasons and process whereby Rwandan Hutus have come
under the gaze of special agent Brian Andersen are very irregular, if not
illegal, and the four previous cases are all interconnected. Mr. Andersen is
not alone in the decision-making process that has led to the expenditure of
millions of dollars for each of the five cases to be explored herein. Mr.
Andersen’s allies in hunting down and persecuting innocent Rwandans in the
United States include Boston federal prosecutor Mary Kelley.

What the Boston Globe also did not report about special
agent Andersen is that the federal court in Utah found against the Department
of Homeland Security and the efforts of Brian Andersen after the judge in the
case realized that the investigation had been botched, the evidence fabricated.

Special agent Andersen and prosecutor Mary Kelley have
deployed what has become standard boiler-plate language, tactics and the
production of fraudulent witnesses in the pursuit of “justice” meant to satisfy
the dictatorship in Rwanda and silence its critics.

Mr. Andersen and other agents have traveled frequently to
Rwanda, where there is no possibility of independent research or investigation,
and where “witnesses” are often produced by or coerced by the Kagame regime
into satisfying its interests of suffering the repercussions of violence
against themselves or their families. In other cases, witnesses are promised
lenience on their prison sentences or financial rewards for their cooperation.
Some witnesses agree to testify to settle old scores.

“Did the government of Rwanda play any part in selecting the
witnesses?” the Boston Globe on April 1, 2019, reported that Assistant U.S.
Attorney Scott Garland asked Andersen this question under oath. “No, they didn’t,”
Andersen replied.

Of course they did. Did special agent Thomas Brian Andersen
commit perjury?

Under cross-examination on the witness stand at Mr. Teganya’s
trial in Boston, special agent Brian Andersen was asked how he found the
Rwandan witnesses who testified to Mr. Teganya’s alleged crimes. Special agent
Andersen faltered, badly.

The Boston Globe did not report on special agent Brian
Andersen’s poor performance under cross-examination.

Brian Andersen committed perjury, and it is not the first
time. What happened in Utah?

Finally, after hearing some truthful testimonies by defense
witnesses, and under the byline of reporter Laura
Crimaldi, the Boston Globe
began waking up and reporting about Jean Leonard
Teganya’s character and the ordeal he survived with greater accuracy and depth.

“During much of the 100-day Rwandan genocide in 1994, Jean Leonard Teganya said, crowds of victims assembled each day outside the teaching hospital in Butare – overwhelming medical staff with the severity of their wounds.

“A month into the violence, Teganya, a Hutu and then a
third-year medical student, said he, too, became a victim. Attackers beat him
over the head and slashed his leg and ankle with a machete in a secluded area
near his dormitory, he said. …

“Answering questions from his defense lawyer for about three
hours, Teganya delved into his life story for the jury, discussing his Tutsi
mother, his education at a Catholic seminary and medical school, and the chaos
at the hospital in Butare, the country’s second-largest city.”

Paul Kagame Terrorism

While Jean Leonard Teganya was helping the sick and wounded
in Butare, and throughout the four year war, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA)
was perpetrating massive war crimes and crimes against humanity against anyone
in their warpath. From 1990 through 1993, the RPA’s scorched earth policy
decimated entire villages in northern Rwanda, and this is where the RPA began
its slow march to conquer territory across Rwanda.

As the RPA continued its steady war of terrorism, hundreds
of thousands of refugees were uprooted from homes and villages, forced to
become refugees in their own country.

Northern Rwanda is an area of the country where the masses –
mostly Hutu, but also some Tutsis and Twa – shared a collective history of
generations of extreme violence and injustice suffered at the hands of the
Tutsi aristocracy that once ruled the kingdom from central Rwanda.

Paul Kagame and the other Tutsi guerrilla invaders from
Uganda were raised on stories of how their noble Tutsi ancestors were the
benevolent benefactors of the Rwandan masses. The masses in this case included
the predominant Hutu population of over 80-90 percent, with between 10 and 20
percent Tutsi, and about 1 percent Twa.

The ethnic categories take on little meaning when one begins
to comprehend the nature of the Tutsi aristocracy, their client-patron
relations, systems of reward and punishment, shifting allegiances and

The RPA was backed by powerful foreign allies, and their
atrocities were whitewashed by the international media and the academics who
have always peddled the Tutsis-as-victims narrative. This narrative was
constructed in large part by the human rights establishment, following the lead
of the London-based non-government organization African Rights.

From 1990 on, RPA terror cells began infiltrating Kigali,
the capital, and all other areas of Rwanda, and with them came atrocities that
were frequently blamed on the Habyarimana government. These included
assassinations, massacres and disappearances. By March 1993, Rwanda’s
internally displaced persons (IDPs) population exceeded 1 million people.

Hungry, homeless, out of work and money, suffering horrible
trauma, despair and the sadness and grief of having lost family members whose
lives (and deaths) were further defiled by the inability of survivors to
property attend to burials and burial customs. The RPA practiced a scorched
earth policy. They did not want to have to administer a territory or deal with
local populations.

The RPA displaced people and villages, shelled IDP camps,
machine gunned huge crowds of people that they first lured into public spaces,
and then they marched on. They killed some captives, buried them in mass
graves, incinerated them in hugs ovens, baked them to death in tractor-trailer
shipping containers, bulldozed them into the forests, and used survivors as
porters to transport ammunition, dig trenches, cook their meals and serve as
their sexual slaves. And they usually shot them in the end no matter.

As the RPA occupation of Rwanda continued, the Hutu majority
government of Juvenal Habyarimana was framed for genocide against Tutsis in
Rwanda as early as 1993, while the RPA enjoyed increasing authority,
power-sharing and impunity for the horrible and widespread atrocities that were
being committed in broad daylight, under cover of night, in villages, in
prefectures, across the country in the form of targeted assassinations and
other dirty tricks. Trained at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Paul Kagame was
schooled in the art of ruthless, lethal, contemporary guerrilla insurgency.

Perjury? Conspiracy?

It is important to first realize that special agent Brian
Andersen apparently has some kind of special mission to hunt down, arrest and
extradite anyone that the Kagame regime accuses of participation in genocide.

One of Mr. Andersen’s fellow Hutu hunters is the federal prosecutor
Mary Kelley, also based out of Boston, Massachusetts.

Kelley and Andersen worked together to frame, arrest,
prosecute and imprison Prudence Kantengwa (Boston, Mass.) and Beatrice
Munyenyezi (Manchester, New Hampshire), the sisters of Jean Marie Vianney

Paul Kagame has been trying to get his hands on Jean Marie
Vianney Higiro since Higiro fled Rwanda in 1994. The former director of the Rwandan
Office of Information (ORINFOR) during the Habyarimana regime, Higiro and his
daughter, a U.S. citizen, were evacuated from Rwanda on April 7, 1994, by U.S.
marines who escorted them to Bujumbura, Burundi, and then flew them to Nairobi,
Kenya, en route to the USA.

The trial of Beatrice Munyenyezi was also fraught with
irregularities. One of these was the prosecution’s introduction of formerly highly
classified satellite images
taken by U.S. intelligence reconnaissance
satellites during flyovers of Rwanda in June 1994. These photos were introduced
by a Pentagon analyst. Their existence had never previously been disclosed.

In his opening statements in a Concord, New Hampshire,
courthouse on Feb. 23, 2012, federal prosecutor John Capin launched the U.S.
government’s trial against a 41-year-old Rwandan so-called “genocide fugitive”
by wielding satellite photographs purportedly showing the road blocks where she
“commanded extremist Hutu militia and ordered the rapes and killings of Tutsi”
in Rwanda in 1994.

In a remarkable development, this is the first time in the
history of the “Rwanda genocide” trials or related Rwanda asylum hearings where
Pentagon satellite photographs have been produced as evidence, and the first
time that the existence of satellite photographs taken over Rwanda during the
so-called ‘100 days of genocide’ has ever been verified.

Later in the Munyenyezi trial the U.S. prosecutors produced a “Pentagon analyst” who testified about the satellite photographs. The Pentagon analyst was Mr. Eric R. Benn, technical executive, Analysis and Production Directorate, National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA). The photographs introduced into the public record include very high resolution images shot over Rwanda in May, June and July of 1994.

Under cross-examination during the Munyenyezi trial, the
Pentagon analyst admitted that other photos – that would have exonerated the
accused – existed, but after a hastily arranged court recess the analyst
changed his story declaring that no such photos existed.

“My sister and her attorneys were denied access to
exculpatory evidence that consists of satellite photos taken in April 1994.”
Jean Marie Vianney Higiro has watched as his sisters have been framed and
attempts have been made to frame him.

“The photos that the Pentagon submitted to the court were
taken in June, and they do not show any roadblocks. The defense attorney for
Beatrice asked if there were photos taken in April [1994] because that’s when
they [prosecution] said the roadblocks were there. The gentleman from the
Pentagon said yes, these photos existed.

“Then there was a break in the trial. When the trial resumed,
the gentleman said the photos did not exist. These photos [April and early May]
would have shown that there were no roadblocks when my sister was allegedly
checking ID cards. They were denied exculpatory evidence.”

Declassified Pentagon photos produced in the case of United States v. Prudence Kantengwa purportedly show the location of nonexistent roadblocks in Butare.

Brian Andersen played some role in advancing the false story
of roadblocks in Butare, where Beatrice Munyenyezi was alleged to have been
checking IDs to single out Tutsis to be raped or killed, and he thus played a
role in framing Beatrice Munyenyezi.

On June 22, 2010, a search and seizure warrant was approved
by the U.S. District Court in New Hampshire for the purpose of invading the
Manchester, N.H., home of Beatrice Munyenyezi.

The warrant was based on the affidavit of Thomas Brian
Andersen, Jr., the same ICE special agent involved in the case of Jean Leonard
Teganya. In his affidavit, Andersen distilled the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda
down to a few essential details that helped to frame Beatrice Munyenyezi as a genocidaire.

When the story of Munyenyezi’s arrest was reported in Boston
Magazine, ICE special agent Brian Andersen was the hero and Beatrice Munyenyezi
was “The
Monster Next Door

“Beatrice Munyenyezi claimed she was a refugee from the
Rwandan genocide,” wrote Boston Magazine. “Federal agent Brian Andersen
suspected she was someone far more sinister.”

Compounding the injustice against Jean Marie Vianney Higiro
and his family, ICE agents had Prudence Kantengwa arrested and tried for
perjury based on the non-existent roadblocks story. When ICE agents interviewed
Kantengwa, they claimed, she did not mention the roadblocks in Butare that
became the pivotal (though falsified) evidence against Beatrice Munyenyezi.
Kantengwa did not mention the roadblocks because they did not exist. Kantengwa
was nonetheless adjudged guilty of perjury.

Both Prudence Kantengwa and Beatrice
were denied exculpatory evidence and both remain in prison

Prudence Kantengwa was further judged guilty of perjury on
account of her alleged failure to mention that her husband, Athanase Munyemana,
was a member of the MRND party. Note, this is one of the boiler plate
accusations used against many Rwandans falsely accused by the regime in Rwanda
and by the U.S. asylum courts.

First, for decades Rwanda was a one-party dictatorship where
membership in the government MRND party was obligatory. Second, Althase
Munyemana was a state prosecutor in Rwanda who had been transferred to the Service
Central de Renseignements (Central Intelligence Services). As a prosecutor,
sent by a government minister to work for the CIS, Munyemana was forbidden by Rwandan
law from joining any political party.

Federal prosecutor Mary Kelley apparently also worked for
Homeland Security, at which time she had both the Kantengwa and Munyenyezi
cases referred to the district attorney. Kelley was also the federal prosecutor
in the case against Prudence Kantengwa. Kelley tried to connect Jean Marie
Vianney Higiro to both of his sisters’ cases – to frame him as well. This was
clearly a direct collaboration with the Kagame regime.

In October 2017, during the Kantengwa trial, federal prosecutor Mary Kelley was forced to disclose a report written by one of her expert witnesses that Kelley disclosed was funded by the Rwandan government.

Another of Mary Kelley and Brian Andersen’s comrades in
their Hutu hunting quest is Eugenie Mukeshimana, a Rwandan Tutsi woman who is
clearly a paid activist/lobbyist for the Kagame regime. As one Rwandan confided
privately: “This is one of Kagame’s hired guns.”

Working in some very irregular capacity as an “interpreter,”
Ms. Mukeshimana is also some kind of special adviser to the federal prosecutors
in Boston.

Eugenie Mukeshimana has appeared in federal court every day,
advising the federal prosecutors at the trial of Jean Leonard Teganya.

Eugenie Mukeshimana has a substantial Internet presence, and
she is known by Rwandan nationals (with U.S. citizenship) for her pro-regime
activism in political and legal circles in Boston, Washington, New York and New

Jean Marie Vianney Higiro remains under constant surveillance
and monitoring by the Department of Homeland Security and Federal Bureau of

On Nov. 9, 2016, the day after the U.S. presidential
elections were decided, two FBI agents appeared at the home of Dr. Jean Marie
Vianney Higiro. This was only 12 hours after Donald Trump was elected. While
the agents failed to observe protocol by reading Dr. Higiro his Miranda Rights,
Dr. Higiro was nonetheless cooperative and invited the two agents into his
home. He also answered all their questions for over an hour.

The Obama administration had clearly made some deal with
Paul Kagame, and it was time to clean house and tidy up unfinished business
during the last days of Obama’s lame-duck presidency.

“I thought they were going to arrest me,” Dr. Higiro says. “It’s
not over. Who knows what’s going to happen?”

Taxpayers in the United States should demand that a federal
grand jury be convened to investigate the corruption, perjury, racketeering and
conspiracy being perpetrated in bogus Rwanda genocide asylum trials.

The following people (not an exhaustive list) should be
deposed under oath:

  • ICE agent Thomas Brian Andersen
  • ICE agent Kevin Cronin, who has also traveled to Rwanda, works with Andersen to frame refugees and U.S. citizens of Rwandan origin
  • ICE agent Jordan Regan
  • U.S. Citizen and Immigration Services agent Meghann Boyle
  • Federal prosecutor Mary Kelley
  • Federal prosecutor Andew Lelling
  • Federal prosecutor George Varghese
  • Homeland Security Investigations agent Jeffrey Stillings
  • Rwandan “interpreter” and RPA agent Eugenie Mukeshimana
  • MSF doctor and RPA agent Rony Zachariah

How many scores or hundreds of millions of U.S. taxpayers’
dollars are being spent on these fraudulent trials?

The 15-day trial of Beatrice Munyenyezi in February and
March 2012 was concluded with four additional days of deliberations by an
all-white jury. On March 15, 2012, the jury delivered a deadlocked decision and
the U.S. government declared a “mistrial.” The re-trial began Sept. 10, 2012.

Mark Howard, one of Beatrice Munyenyezi’s attorneys,
revealed to the press the huge sums of money spent by the U.S judiciary to try
Rwandan genocide suspects.

Howard estimated that U.S. taxpayers paid between US$2.5
million and US$3 million for Munyenyezi’s first 2012 prosecution and trial in
federal court. Howard estimated at the time that the second 2012 retrial was
likely to cost an additional US$1 million.

Howard’s estimates include attorney fees, agent salaries,
the “extraordinary expense” of investigating in a foreign country, the costs of
bringing some 15 witnesses to New Hampshire, and the hiring of experts.

In the case of Jean Leonard Teganya, some 15 witnesses
appeared for the prosecution, with at least 18 witnesses for the defense. Most
of these witnesses were flown in from other countries.

The combined costs of the four or five trials mentioned
herein must have – or will – exceed $15 million.

According to ICE
from 2017:

“The investigation leading to Teganya’s arrest was conducted
by special agents with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) Homeland
Security Investigations (HSI) in Boston and supported by ICE’s Boston Office of
the Chief Counsel and ICE’s Human Rights Violators and War Crimes Center
(HRVWCC). Established in 2009 to further ICE’s efforts to identify, track and
prosecute human rights abusers, the HRVWCC leverages the expertise of a select
group of agents, lawyers, intelligence and research specialists, historians and
analysts who direct the agency’s broader enforcement efforts against these

“Since 2003, ICE has arrested more than 380 individuals for
human rights-related violations of the law under various criminal and immigration
statutes. During that same period, ICE obtained deportation orders against and
physically removed 785 known or suspected human rights violators from the
United States. Additionally, ICE has facilitated the departure of an additional
108 such individuals from the United States.

“Currently, HSI has more than 160 active investigations into
suspected human rights violators and is pursuing more than 1,750 leads and
removals cases involving suspected human rights violators from 95 different
countries. Since 2003, the HRVWCC has issued more than 70,400 lookouts for
individuals from more than 110 countries and stopped 213 human rights violators
and war crimes suspects from entering the U.S.”

Rwandan Defense Forces (Rwandan Patriotic Army) were trained by the U.S. military in Rwanda after July 1994. – Photo courtesy US AFRICOM

Souls on ice

ICE special agent Brian Andersen appeared as an expert
witness during an immigration hearing in Salt Lake City, Utah. On trial was a
woman named Agnes Mukantagara, a Rwandan refugee who was forced to seek asylum
at the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, Rwanda, after coming under threat by the Kagame
regime. Agnes Mukantagara was working for the U.S. Embassy at the time of her
falling out with the regime, and the U.S. Embassy facilitated her admission
into the United States.

Agnes Mukantagara appeared in Boston in an immigration
hearing involving Prudence Kantengwa. Homeland security operative and federal
prosecutor Mary Kelley spotted Agnes Mukantagara and Beatrice Munyenyezi
sitting in the courtroom and Kelley pressed ICE to launch an investigation to
find out who they were and ascertain their immigration status.

On the witness stand at the Mukantagara trial in Salt Lake
City, special agent Brian Andersen reportedly admitted that Agnes Mukantagara’s
case originated in Boston after she appeared in federal court as a witness in
Prudence Kantengwa’s case. Andersen also reportedly said he was sent to Kigali
to investigate Mukantagara.

In Kigali, Rwanda’s national commission created to hunt down
genocidaires provided special agent Andersen with an office where he could work
and interview potential witnesses. The government commission brought witnesses
to that office for special agent Andersen to interview – witnesses selected to
provide Andersen with information that would serve the regime’s interests.

When asked under oath if he had moved outside of the office
to perform his duties and gather information, special agent Brian Andersen
reportedly said “No.” When asked whether he knew that Agnes Mukantagara’s first
husband had been murdered by the RPA, Mr. Andersen reportedly said “No.” When
asked whether he had met Mukantagara’s relatives during his stay in Kigali, he
reportedly said “No.” When asked whether he knew that the government commission
trains and schools witnesses, special agent Brian Andersen reportedly said “No.”

Later it came to light that Mary Kelley has undertaken her
own special research project to learn what she could about Agnes Mukantagara. In
so doing, Kelley discovered that one Agnes Mukantagara was tried by one of
Rwanda’s public Gacaca Tribunals. Agnes Mukantagara was found guilty of
genocide, but not as an organizer, and she was sentenced to life imprisonment.
(See, for example: John Quigley, “The Genocide Convention: An International Law
Analysis,” Routledge, 2016: p. 35.)

Mary Kelley apparently used the information she so proudly
discovered about Agnes Mukantagara, one convicted of genocide at a Gacaca
Tribunal in Rwanda, to help make the case against Agnes Mukantagara, one who
fled from the threat of the RPA to the U.S. Embassy in Kigali, in Salt Lake
City, Utah.

There are and were two Rwandan women with the name Agnes

Based on Kelly’s tip, the Rwandan regime set about to
manufacture a dossier against Agnes Mukantagara. The whole case began in court
in Boston, under the ever vigilant Hutu hunting eyes of prosecutor Mary Kelley
and special agent Brian Andersen.

After Brian Andersen’s testimony in Salt Lake City, under
cross-examination by the defense, the judge found in favor of Agnes Mukantagara’s
request for asylum, ruling against the Department of Homeland Security. The
DHS, of course, immediately filed an appeal.

Keith Harmon Snow is a
war correspondent, photographer and independent investigator and a four time –
2003, 2006, 2007, 2010 – Project Censored award winner. He is also the 2009
Regents’ Lecturer in Law and Society at the University of California Santa
Barbara, recognized for decades of work outside of academia contesting official
narratives on war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide while also
working as a genocide investigator for the United Nations and other bodies. The
first UCSB Regents’ Lecturer, in 1960, was Aldous Huxley; other recipients
include Margaret Mead, Peter Matthiessen and Meredith Monk. Snow can be reached
through his website,

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